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Chapter 5 The Manchu Occupation of Formosa and the Ching Court’s Plans for Integrating it into the Empire: the Sinicization of Taiwan (1683-1895) |
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The Manchus conquered Taiwan in 1683 and ruled it until the island was ceded to Japan after the Sino-Japanese War in 1895. The period of Manchu rule can be said to be the first and only period in which Taiwan was practically a part of China, and it affected Taiwanese society tremendously. Politically, a Chinese-style regime and the traditional concept of loyalty to an emperor were established. Economically, Taiwan developed a thriving economy to complement that of China. Socially, the Han inhabitants’ encroachment on the Taiwan plains pushed the aborigines into the position of a weak minority, thereby consolidating the foundation for a Han society in Taiwan.Policies of Guarding Taiwan and Preventing Illegal Han Immigration; the Sinicization of Taiwan
Following the surrender of the Jheng forces in 1683, the Ching court was divided over whether to incorporate Taiwan into its territory. A decision was finally reached in 1684 to make Taiwan a part of Fujian Province, with Taiwan Prefecture (臺灣府) responsible for overseeing three counties called Taiwan (臺灣縣), Fongshan (鳳山縣), and Jhuluo (諸羅縣). Although it occupied Taiwan, the imperial court adopted a passive policy in its administration of the island, with the intention of simply “keeping a watchful eye on Taiwan.” From the start, the Ching court simply tried to prevent possible anti-Manchu insurrections on Taiwan, as had the Jhengs. It was against the Manchu government’s interests to see a well-developed Taiwan that might bring about a resurgence of anti-imperial elements, especially since dealing with such unrest across the Taiwan Strait was costly in terms of time, money, and effort.
To summarize, the Manchu policy of isolation focused on two areas: first, it sought to curb the further migration of Han Chinese to Taiwan with a permit system that imposed strict qualifications on those wishing to move there. Second, it tried to prevent separatism and ethnic conflict by banning Han people from encroaching into the mountains and intruding into aboriginal homelands. To carry out this policy, a significant amount of power was vested in the circuit commissioner and the regional commander, the top administrative and military commanders in Taiwan, to handle any emergencies. Secondary measures were also taken, such as forbidding the construction of walled cities to prevent rebels from putting up greater resistance; weapon controls to ensure potential insurgents remained unarmed; and the rotation of troops stationed in Taiwan to prevent collaboration with locals.
Nevertheless, the Manchus’ isolation policy fell short of its goals. Population pressures had increased and, by the 1700s, many residents in the hilly provinces of Fujian and Guangdong could hardly earn a living on their limited farmland. In contrast, the growing number of reports of Taiwan’s vast, uncultivated plains and sparse population made the trip across the Taiwan Strait a very attractive option. Before long, residents of the two provinces were ignoring the government ban and moving to Taiwan in large numbers, once again altering the population of the island. It was not long before Han immigrants greatly outnumbered the economically weaker and less-advanced indigenous peoples, whose original population of around 200,000 quickly dwindled between 1683 and 1895. In contrast, the population of Han inhabitants jumped dramatically from 100,000 to 2.5 million.
After possessing most of the plain areas, the Chinese immigrants started to engage in intensive farming and to promote business, laying a firm foundation for the establishment of a Han Chinese society on the island. During the Ching rule, which lasted from 1683 to 1895, Taiwan underwent a rapid process of Sinicization, with Chinese culture becoming dominant. It went through substantial economic, social, and cultural transformations, which are explored in the sections that follow.
Immigration to Taiwan and the Island’s Development
Emigration to Taiwan took place on a massive scale in the beginning of the 18th century. This was followed by large-scale land developments, including the opening of new land for cultivation and an increased production of sugarcane and paddy rice.
Taiwan’s high temperatures, plentiful rainfall, and fertile soil provided suitable conditions for agriculture, and yet whole swathes of Taiwan’s plains were still mere breeding grounds for wild deer. These factors were a great attraction to the Han Chinese who were skilled at intensive cultivation. Before long, incoming Han were using every means possible—legal and illegal, proper and improper—to obtain arable land. Soon, most of the plains had been converted into rice or sugarcane fields. Several well-known irrigation systems were constructed around this time. These include the Babao (八堡) irrigation ditch on the Changhua Plain (彰化平原) and the Hulutun (葫蘆墩) irrigation ditch located in the Taichung Basin (臺中盆地). Rice and sugar production increased rapidly, and large quantities were exported to China. Taiwan was gradually becoming a rice and sugar storehouse for southeastern China.
As most immigrants were not wealthy, how could the costly and laborious task of reclaiming and opening so much of the land be accomplished in such a short period of time? The key lies in the cooperative system of cultivation that was being employed. During the Ching dynasty, rich and influential families applied to the government for cultivation licenses to become land developers. Since the lands were vast and cultivation permits were only valid for three to five years, applicants would recruit leasers to carry out the actual work with their own labor and capital. As a result, each party was responsible for part of the effort and shared in a portion of the risk, so that cultivation could proceed more swiftly. Most of the applications for permits were not filed by individuals but by partnerships or familial organizations, which could use their greater manpower to increase productivity.
Once land had been cultivated, a two-tier land ownership system applied, whereby the permit applicants became the legal, “main” landowners, while leasers enjoyed permanent tenancy rights and were thus, in effect, joint or “minor” landowners. The minor landowners could recruit petty tenant farmers to cultivate their lands or even sell their permanent tenancy rights. This double land ownership system allowed major landowners to become very wealthy during the early stages. Thereafter, however, the system declined, and numerous minor landowners, such as the Lin families in Banciao (板橋) and Wufong (霧峰), rose to prominence. Soon, the majority of Taiwan’s land consisted of small tenant farms.
Complementary Cross-Strait Economies: Commercial Development
Taiwan had an abundance of agricultural produce, but little in the way of everyday commodities. China, on the other hand, lacked rice in Fujian Province and sugar in its central and northern regions, but had a well-developed crafts industry and an abundance of daily commodities at low prices. Frequent trade between the two sides contributed to the development of complementary economies. The primary exports from Taiwan were rice, sugar, peanut oil, and indigo, while the main imports were textiles, porcelain, construction materials, and daily commodities. Due to the large volumes of trade, jiao (郊), or guilds, began to appear. Before long, jiao merchants were conducting most of the cross-strait trade.
Each jiao was named after the place it traded with, or the commodity being traded. For example, the Xia jiao (廈郊) referred to the business organization trading with Xiamen Port, while the bu [cloth] jiao (布郊) dealt in textiles. Tainan had three major jiao: a bei [northern] jiao (北郊), nan [southern] jiao (南郊), and tang [sugar] jiao (糖郊). Lugang (鹿港), the major port in central Taiwan, had eight jiao, including a Quan[zhou] jiao (泉郊), a bu [cloth] jiao (布郊), and you [oil] jiao (油郊).
Due to the thriving trade, many prosperous ports arose along Taiwan’s coastline, including Tainan, Lugang, and Bangka (艋舺 renamed Wanhua 萬華 in Mandarin), which were the three largest ports. Affluent merchants from the jiao trade began to become as influential as Taiwan’s wealthy landlords. For instance, the aforementioned three jiao of Tainan pooled their resources to establish the sanyitang (三益堂), a wealthy organization that often donated money to the government for public services and once even organized its own militia to help suppress a rebellion.
Opening Ports and Entering the Global System: The Introduction of Western Commerce and Culture (1860-1895)
Taiwan not only lay at an important intersection point on East Asian shipping routes, it was also a primary source of the much sought-after substance of camphor, and had rich reserves of coal, an important energy resource. It was only natural, therefore, that Western countries became interested in conducting trade with Taiwan. In the aftermath of the Anglo-French Expedition against Beijing, the Treaty of Tianjin (天津條約) was signed in 1858, as was the Treaty of Beijing (北京條約) in 1860, both of which forced Taiwan to open its ports to foreign trade. In 1862, Danshuei Port became the first to be opened, and the British Consulate was established there to promote trade. The United Kingdom also claimed that Danshuei Port included Dadaocheng (大稻埕) and Bangka, and forced their opening too. In the following years, the ports of Anping, Keelung, and Dagou (打狗, today’s Kaohsiung) were also opened. As a result, foreign businessmen could legally live and trade along the shores by these ports, and many set up firms for trade, including Jardine, Matheson & Co.; Dent & Co.; Dodd & Co.; Elles & Co.; and Boyd & Co. In addition to opium, these firms imported textiles, metals, coal, kerosene, matches, and other Western goods to Taiwan, while exporting sugar, camphor, and tea to the rest of the world.
Tea was Taiwan’s main item of export and the primary reason for the island’s trade surplus with the rest of the world. Formosan Oolong tea was especially popular and enjoyed global fame. Due to the trade surplus, living standards on the island gradually improved. Moreover, closer trade relations with other countries and participation in the world economic system led to a decline in Taiwan’s complementary economic relationship with China. More importantly, Taiwan’s economic structure began to undergo tremendous changes, transforming from an economy based on rice and sugar production to one based on tea, sugar, and camphor. Since the new products were produced primarily in the north, northern Taiwan soon overtook southern Taiwan to become the new economic, political, and cultural center of the island.
The opening of Taiwan’s ports not only allowed foreign businessmen to enter Taiwan, it also brought in Western religions, such as Catholicism and Presbyterianism. Before long, these two became the most prominent Western religions on the island, especially after the establishment of the English Presbyterian Church in southern Taiwan by Dr. James L. Maxwell and the building of the Canadian Presbyterian Church in northern Taiwan by George L. MacKay. Western missionaries were enthusiastic in preaching the gospel to the local populace and quickly established churches across the whole island. To enhance people’s ability to read the Bible, missionaries developed a Romanized writing system for Holo, or Taiwanese (
白話字), which also helped to raise literacy. The Presbyterian Church even published the Presbyterian Gazette in Taiwan. In addition, the church built hospitals and schools, and introduced Western culture. All these did much to raise the educational and cultural standards of the Taiwanese people.
Gradual Development of Culture and Education
Compared with its rapidly developing economy, Taiwan’s cultural and educational systems lagged behind. Traditionally, the Chinese way of administering the state involved bringing in new talent through an imperial examination and official appointment system, as well as the use of political and legal systems. The people’s support was gained by directly involving them in the empire’s development. Special incentives were usually given to encourage people living in remote areas to attend school. Taiwan was no exception, with special quotas given to Taiwanese students. In the beginning, Taiwanese people were not very interested in attaining scholarly honor or official rank, for four main reasons. First, since many Taiwanese were immigrants, their first priority was to make a living, and they did not have time to pursue such goals as scholarly honor or official rank. Second, the quality of Taiwan’s educational facilities and teachers was not high, and students were unable to compete with those from China. Third, because Taiwan’s economy was thriving, people had opportunities of gaining wealth without having to seek promotion via the imperial examination system. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, constant internal disturbances and foreign aggression forced the government to ask local gentries to donate money for recruiting soldiers to serve in the Ching court. As a result, many rich families were able to obtain scholarly honor or official rank through direct donations or other military contributions, without having to go through the imperial examinations normally required for such honors. Indeed, during the Ching dynasty, many Taiwanese gentry became gongsheng (貢生) or jiansheng (監生)—students of the imperial academy—through such donations.
Since the early Taiwanese were not very interested in education, a large number of students from China, pretending to be Taiwanese, came to the island to enroll as candidates for the civil service examinations and thereby avoid the more competitive examination environments that they would have to face in their hometowns. After the reigns of Emperor Jiacing (嘉慶 1796-1821) and Emperor Daoguang (道光 1821-1851), however, this began to change, in part because more Taiwanese people began to participate in imperial examinations. At first, most of the Taiwanese candidates took part in the military course exams wuke (武科), but by the time of Emperor Daoguang’s reign, the number of candidates for the wenke (文科) exams for civil servants was already beginning to surpass those for the wuke. By the time of Emperor Sianfong (咸豐 1851-1862) and Emperor Guangsyu (光緒 1875-1908), the ratio of wenke candidates to wuke candidates among the juren (舉人), successful candidates of provincial examinations, was already 2.18 to 1. Gradually, Taiwan was becoming more cultured.
Turbulent Immigration Society (1683-1895): Clashes Between the Han Chinese and Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples; Rebellions and Conflicts
During the Ching dynasty, Taiwan was still largely a turbulent immigrant society characterized by a lack of law and order, frequent uprisings, and few guarantees for personal life and property. It was not until the 19th century that Taiwanese society began to gradually enjoy a degree of civil rule. In addition to clashes between the Han Chinese and Taiwan’s indigenous peoples, there was also a great deal of unrest caused by constant rebellions against the state and numerous armed inter-ethnic conflicts.
After the Jhu Yi-guei (朱一貴) Rebellion in 1721, Lan Ding-yuan (藍鼎元), an imperial official during the Ching dynasty, reported: “The people of Taiwan have an inclination for rebellions the same way that moths are drawn to a flame, and even though many die, there are still many more followers…. Whenever a rebellion has been suppressed, it soon emerges again.” During the reign of Emperor Daoguang, Taiwan Governor Syu Zong-gan (徐宗幹) echoed this by saying, “A minor putsch takes place every three years, and a major uprising takes place every five years.” During the reigns of Emperors Tongjhih (同治) and Guangsyu, a juren from Guangdong Province named Wu Zih-guang (吳子光) quoted an adage, “No rebellion in Taiwan has ever really succeeded, and no suppression has ever really succeeded either.”
These comments reflect the frequent turbulence and unrest occurring in Taiwan at the time. There were several reasons for this instability. First, poor bureaucratic discipline combined with rampant corruption and oppression led to popular discontent. Second, since Taiwan was relatively far away from China, it was only natural for some Taiwanese to harbor intentions of breaking away from the Ching court’s control. Third, many immigrants were single men, and it was common for them to form tightly knit groups for mutual support. Whenever there was a disturbance, they would rally together and respond to trouble as a group, with the result that small incidents easily escalated into large conflicts. The three most serious rebellions in Taiwanese history were the Jhu Yi-guei (朱一貴) Rebellion (1721) , the Lin Shuang-wen (林爽文) Rebellion (1786), and the Dai Chao-chun (戴潮春) Rebellion (1862). The chaos created by these major rebellions affected most of the island, and forced the Ching court to send troops to Taiwan to suppress the insurrections. Smaller uprisings were frequent.
Rampant Armed Conflicts Between Population Groups
During the Ching dynasty, frequent armed conflicts were a severe social problem. The Annals of Prefectures and Counties records 42 major fights in Taiwan in the period. The first was the armed conflict between Fujianese and Cantonese in Fongshan County (鳳山縣) in 1722, and the last was between the Sie (謝) and Huang (黃) families in Tainan’s Syuejiabao (學甲堡) in 1894. Wei Yuan (魏源 1794-1857) suggests in his book Notes on the Royal Military Actions (Sheng Wu Ji Lue 聖武紀略) that “Minor fights occurred every seven or eight years, while a major one occurred on average after a decade or so.”
Many of Taiwan’s armed conflicts were economically motivated, and stemmed from groups contending for land, water, or other commercial resources. Moreover, since most immigrants usually lived in compact communities of people coming from the same village or hometown, such as the Quan Village (泉莊), Zhang Village (漳莊), and Yue Village (粵莊), individual disagreements or grievances often escalated into larger, more serious disputes that resulted in armed conflict. To maintain their own bases of power, many local authorities attempted to suppress disturbances by capitalizing on pre-existing sub-ethnic or clannish affiliations. For example, when immigrants from Zhangzhou (漳州) began an armed rebellion, the local authorities recruited Hakkas or immigrants from Zhangzhou or Quanzhou to deal with them. The four major categories of armed conflicts were the Min-Yue (閩粵 between Fujianese and Cantonese), the Zhang-Quan (漳泉 between Fujian immigrants from Zhangzhou and Quanzhou), labor conflicts, and conflicts between specific families or clans (i.e., between different surnames 姓). The Min-Yue conflicts began with the Jhu Yi-guei Rebellion in 1721, while the Zhang-Quan conflicts originated in 1782 from gambling disputes in the Cihtong Village (莿桐莊) of Changhua (彰化).
Armed conflicts were not just limited to clans. Sometimes they involved entire counties and could even engulf the whole island. The weapons used were usually knives and clubs but sometimes included firearms. Feuds could last anywhere from several days to months and even years, and animosities often continued for a number of generations. Larger fights usually entailed heavy casualties, and numerous small temples—such as da jhong ye (大眾爺) and wanshan tongguei (萬善同歸)—were placed around the island for worshipping the ghosts of those who died in the fighting. Survivors from the losing sides in these conflicts frequently relocated to other areas that had been settled by immigrants with the same origins. For example, many Hakkas left the Taipei area and moved to Hsinchu (新竹) or Taoyuan (桃園); immigrants of Zhangzhou origin moved to Shihlin New Street (士林新街); and following the fights between the merchant guilds of ding jiao (頂郊) and sia jiao (下郊) in Bangka during the third year of Emperor Sianfong (1853), immigrants from Tongan (同安) in Xiamen moved to Dadaocheng (大稻埕).
Feuds between different groups were a huge, destructive factor in Taiwan’s development, yet local authorities were often powerless. Of graver consequence was the fact such strife even led to splits between Quanzhou and Zhangzhou, and Hakka immigrants, causing ethnic confrontations and hindering the formation of a “Taiwanese” consciousness.
The Mudan Tribe Incident (牡丹社事件) and the Beginning of the Positive Policy of Actively Administering Taiwan (1874-1895)
During the 19th century, the West’s industrial revolution, imperialist foreign policies, and military might began to affect the Far East. The weak Ching Empire was unable to withstand the onslaught from the West and, consequently, Taiwan suffered from frequent foreign aggression, especially since the Ching court considered the island to be relatively unimportant. With the arrival of new sea powers in the 19th century, however, Taiwan suddenly gained in importance due to its strategic location on the heavily trafficked East Asian shipping lanes. In addition, Taiwan’s rich coal, camphor, and other resources began to be coveted by foreign powers. Lastly, the perilous waters around Taiwan were made even more dangerous by the island’s lack of navigational facilities, such as lighthouses, and frequent accidents forced shipwreck survivors onto the island, where they were often killed or robbed by Taiwan’s indigenous peoples. All these were used as excuses for external interference and aggression.
During the Opium War, two British naval vessels, the Nerbuda in 1841 and the Ann in 1842, were defeated by Taiwanese and Hakka troops while harassing Keelung and Da-an (大安) harbors. Many British sailors and soldiers were captured from both ships and subsequently killed by Da Hong-a (達洪阿), commander of Taiwan, and circuit commissioner Yao Ying (姚瑩), after they had received permission from the emperor to execute them. After the Opium War, the British government lodged an official protest with the Ching court, which found both Da Hong-a and Yao Ying responsible for their actions and relieved them of their posts.
In 1854, US Commodore Matthew Perry dispatched an American ship to Keelung to investigate the coal mines there. Later, stressing the importance of Taiwan’s coal production for American interests and the island’s strategic position in Asia, Perry persuaded the American government that the United States should occupy Taiwan. In 1867, the American ship Rover ran aground at Cisingyan (七星岩) off the shores of Langciao (琅嶠, modern-day Pingtung 屏東), and most of the surviving crewmen were subsequently killed by local aborigines. This prompted the signing of an agreement between the American consul at Amoy, General Charles William Le Gendre, and Chief Toketok (卓其督) of the 18 tribal communities (十八社) in Langciao, in which the aborigines promised not to harm survivors from shipwrecks.
Following the signing, it began to be said that “uncivilized lands do not belong to China,” and this saying would later be used to justify the Japanese invasion of Taiwan. In 1868, using the excuse that “Eastern Taiwan (Houshan 後山) does not belong to China,” two entrepreneurs—a German merchant named James Milisch and an Englishman surnamed Horn—together illegally reclaimed wastelands in Da-nan-ao (大南澳) for cultivation. That same year, the local government in Taiwan confiscated a shipment of camphor products being smuggled by British merchants. This prompted the British Empire to dispatch ships and troops to attack and occupy Anping. Subsequently, the Taiwan circuit commissioner was forced to sign an agreement with Britain on the free trade of all camphor products.
The Mudan Tribe Incident was the most serious attack on the Ching court’s rule over Taiwan. In 1871, several Japanese fishermen from the Ryukyu Islands were forced into Bayaowan (八瑤灣, modern-day Taitung 臺東) because of a typhoon, and were killed by the aborigines of Mudan Village. Under the pretense of protecting its people and seeking justice for the fishermen’s deaths, Japan lodged an official protest with the Ching court. The court responded by saying that the area where the event occurred was “uncivilized land,” and that the Ching Empire could therefore not hold the Taiwan government responsible or punish it for the actions of local aborigines. In 1874, citing these words and using the excuse that “uncivilized land does not belong to China,” Japan sent troops to invade Taiwan. Japanese troops penetrated as far as the mountainous areas of Pingtung and were preparing to set up a permanent base there when the Ching court sent Imperial Commissioner (欽差大臣) Shen Bao-jhen (沈葆楨) to resolve the matter. After repeated negotiation, an agreement was signed in which the Ching court agreed to compensate Japan with 500,000 taels of silver in return for Japan’s withdrawal from Taiwan.
In light of these events, the Ching court had to re-examine the changing world situation and the major problem of foreign aggression. It modified its former policy of “guarding against Taiwan” to one of “guarding against foreign powers.” Thus, after 200 years of turbulent rule, the Ching court’s control over Taiwan suddenly became extremely tight. Although a few small uprisings were still inevitable, serious rebellion was all but impossible. Following the Mudan Tribe Incident, under the suggestion of Imperial Commissioner Shen Bao-jhen, the Ching court began to implement a policy of actively governing Taiwan. First, to strengthen administrative organization, the Ching court expanded Taiwan’s government structure from one prefecture (府), four counties (縣), and three semi-counties (廳), to two prefectures, eight counties, and four semi-counties. The second prefecture, Taipei Prefecture, was established in northern Taiwan, and the provincial governor of Fuchien was stationed in Taiwan for half of each year. Second, the Ching court expedited the development of mountain roads, suppressing the un-Sinicized aborigines (生番), and soliciting people to reclaim wastelands for cultivation so as to eliminate foreign influence. Third, the Ching court began to modernize infrastructure for the primary purpose of defense. This included constructing telegraph lines and building a new style of forts. In this manner, Taiwan gradually joined the ranks of China’s 30-year “self-strengthening” movement.
The Sino-French War, Taiwan’s Acquisition of Provincial Status, and Liou Ming-chuan’s Modernization Drive
As the Sino-French War (1884-1885) began to spread, French forces invaded northern Taiwan. Liou Ming-chuan (劉銘傳), an official of the Ching court, was sent to defend the island. Although French troops occupied Yuemei Mountain (月眉山), Shen-aukeng (深澳坑), and Nuannuan (暖暖) via Keelung, they were defeated by a combined force of Ching troops and local militia at Danshuei using Liou’s strategy of “evacuating Keelung to protect Danshuei.” After these defeats, the French turned their attacks toward the Mawei Shipyard (馬尾造船廠) in Fuzhou (福州), occupied the Penghu Islands, and imposed a blockade on Taiwan. As a result, Taiwan’s trade-based economy was severely disrupted, leading to extreme inflation and difficulties in the people’s livelihoods. Despite the embargo’s success, however, France was unable to accomplish anything further militarily. Eventually, a truce was signed between the two countries and France lifted its embargo against Taiwan.
In 1885, after the Sino-French War, the Ching court had learned its lesson and issued an imperial edict to make Taiwan a province of China, appointing Liou Ming-chuan as its first provincial governor. Following his appointment, Liou began to implement sweeping reforms in Taiwan.
First, Liou expanded Taiwan’s administrative organizations into three prefectures, one autonomous prefecture (州), eleven counties, and three semi-counties. Second, he implemented tax reforms intended to simplify the land ownership system by eliminating double land ownership. He also increased tax revenues for infrastructure development. Although Liou’s land reforms were only partially successful, the goal of increasing taxes and revenues was achieved, with annual agricultural land taxes rising from 180,000 taels to 670,000 taels.
Thirdly, Liou cooperated with officials and local gentry to open up the mountain areas and placate the aborigines, thereby resolving problems of internal governance. This task was primarily carried out with assistance from two prestigious families, both surnamed Lin (one family in Banciao 板橋 and the other in Wufong 霧峰). Lin Wei-yuan (林維源) from the Banciao family was appointed to the post of assistant land developer and appeasement officer (幫辦撫墾大臣), but in reality was in charge of aboriginal affairs. Lin Jhao-dong (林朝棟) from Wufong was given the title of assistant central-range appeasement developer (中路撫墾幫辦) and command of the armed forces, making him responsible for quelling aboriginal rebellions. Due to the efforts of Liou’s administration and the two Lin families, these policies were carried out satisfactorily, and soon the Ching Empire’s governance of Taiwan permeated throughout Taiwan’s mountain areas.
Liou’s primary administrative goal and greatest achievement was modernizing Taiwan’s infrastructure. Thus, aside from his military contributions of establishing the Bureau of Weaponry and Machinery (機器局) and setting up new artillery emplacements, his most praiseworthy achievement was modernizing the island’s transportation system, especially by introducing railways. Under Liou’s administration, the planning and laying down of railway tracks connecting Keelung and Tainan was begun in 1887 to overcome difficulties of transporting goods and people between northern and southern Taiwan. In 1891, after four years of effort, the Keelung-Taipei section was finished; and in 1893, two years after Liou had abdicated his position as governor, the Taipei-Hsinchu section was completed. This railway was not only the first one in Taiwan constructed by the Chinese, but also the first form of convenient, modern transportation that the Taiwanese people were able to enjoy ahead of their compatriots on the mainland. In 1888, Liou had also established the first post office in Chinese history. Other important administrative achievements under his governance included the establishment of a telegraph school (電報學堂), a Western-style school (西學堂), the Bureau of Commerce (商務局), and the development of new industries such as coal, gold, crude oil, sulfur, cotton, and silk. Liou also initiated urban development in Taipei via the construction of western-style buildings, roadways, and electric street lamps. All of these achievements pay testimony to Liou’s ability to realize his ambitions, and Taiwan was commended at the time for being the most advanced province in the Ching Empire.
Nonetheless, after Liou’s abdication in 1891, the successor to the post of provincial governor abandoned most of the construction plans that Liou had set in motion. Soon thereafter, in 1895, Taiwan was ceded to Japan.
