Two obstacles confront those who would seek to understand the origin and progress of Taiwan's social movements during the past 50 years. One difficulty is that for the first 38 years of that period— from May 19, 1949, until July 15, 1987—residents of Taiwan were not permitted to organize, assemble or march publicly in support of social causes that were not officially endorsed by the ROC government, since the island was under martial law. Freedoms of speech and expression were severely curtailed, and those who endeavored to promote such causes suffered serious reprisals. Therefore, the short answer to questions about social movements during the first 50 years of the ROC on Taiwan is that they simply did not exist during the greater part of that time—at least, not as recognizable "social movements."

The other difficulty is with the shifting and sometimes arbitrary distinction between what is considered "the social" and what is considered "the political." Activities that citizens of democratic countries have for centuries identified with social activism—for example, participating in street demonstrations and protests, and producing publications that criticize existing authorities and conditions—are by their very nature communicative and adversarial. Social movements naturally seek to engage those in power in a dialogue with "the people"—but authoritarian regimes are not known for their willingness to participate in such two-way communication. Social activism therefore either dies out, or "becomes political." This is particularly true during times of national emergency such as that in which the government of the ROC saw itself during its first several decades on Taiwan. Yet Taiwan's blossoming democratization today is very much the fruit of decades of effort that began during the martial law period—a dark time known locally as the "White Terror" decades.

With abundant obstacles, it is never an easy task to initiate social movements in Taiwan.

"The emergence of social movements in Taiwan can be traced back to the 1980s as a backlash against authoritarian rule, or even against the enforcement of martial law since 1949," says Hsiao Hsin-huang, a professor from the Department of Sociology at National Taiwan University and a research fellow in the Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica. "The sorts of social movements taking place during the period were primarily targeted at the government, calling for the revision of its policies and its relaxation of controls on the society." In comparison, local grassroots movements, launched jointly by cultural and academic groups in the 1970s, were re-examinations and reviews of Taiwan's culture in the wake of its over-reliance on Western culture.

In earlier days, the distinction between political and social movements was very ambiguous, Hsiao observes. "In a certain sense, political opposition activities facilitated the development of social movements, one way or another," Hsiao states. "Thus, the authoritarian government wasn't too shocked when social movements began to emerge, since it had already experienced more fierce and progressive political movements." But on the other hand, social activism assisted the growth of political change, enabling it to develop its influence by providing venues and agendas. The difference between the social and the political is for this reason not clear, as social movement is inextricably bound up with political involvement. This integrating of concerns was very obvious in Taiwan, particularly during the 1980s. Wherever there was social movement, political opposition activists were there as well.

However, in the 1990s, along with the increasing strength of opposition political parties, mainly the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the distinction between political and social movements has become more pronounced than during the 1980s. The DPP is frequently criticized by social activists for an alleged lack of concern about certain social issues. Yet, the explanation offered by the DPP is that since its primary aims are political, it cannot focus on serving only a handful of social-movement groups. But overall, the DPP maintains closer relations with social activists than does the ruling Kuomintang (KMT).

Hsiao argues that there is a sense in which social movements and political movements are fundamentally different. "Social movement has no end. It seeks to change the existing social conditions, and it promotes new ideas and values in place of old ones," he states. "It's not like political movement, the final aim of which is to garner the ruling power." Hsiao argues that the impact of social movements on social development is positive for both the short and long term. "Numerous social movements have brought us lots of new concepts such as the necessity of environmental protection and education reform, as well as consumers' rights and fairness to different ethnic groups," he states. "Without the stimulation of these social movements, the government wouldn't be so aggressive in conducting reforms and revising relevant policies."

According to Hsiao's observations and analysis, Taiwan's social movements came in three waves (See Chart III), each mirroring an important stage in the island's transformation from statism to a civil society. The first wave of organized social movements took place between 1980 and 1986, before the lifting of martial law in July 1987. Seven recognizable movements became known during this first wave: the consumers' movement; the anti-pollution protest movement; the nature conservation movement; the women's movement; the indigenous peoples' movement; the students' movement; and the New Testament Church protest movement.
Human rights of the indigenous people is a top concern of Taiwan's social moveents.

Social activist Hanson Chiang, former chairman of the Consumers' Foundation, explains that in the past, under the exercise of strong public authority, civil rights were scaled down. "At that time, consumers were an underprivileged group, and their legal rights were almost completely ignored," Chiang says. Ever since its establishment in 1980, the foundation has been working for consumer education, the safeguarding of consumers' rights, and the upgrading of the position of the consumer, while demanding that the government pay greater attention to this issue. "The promotion of the consumers' movement is a pursuit of social justice," Chiang says. “After all, it wasn't until the implementation of the democratic system after the lifting of martial law that the public's concept of their consumption rights—not to mention the legal system—improved much."

Yenlin Ku is one of the pioneers of the women's movement in Taiwan. In 1982, Ku and a group of friends who supported gender equality established Awakening, a magazine to encourage women's self-awareness and to raise public concern about women's issues. Later, in the hope of mobilizing more women, improving their social conditions and striving for their rights, they set up the Awakening Foundation in 1987 with Ku as chair. Ku says she has seen much progress in the social status of women and the safeguarding of their rights in terms of work, education, political participation, property rights, and child custody.

As the general public pays more attention to human rights issues and joins social movements more actively, a civil society has been forming in Taiwan. (CNA)

"Since the mid-1980s, an increasing number of women's groups have been established, and they have also become more influential toward the central government's policymaking, as well as legal formulation and amendment in the Legislative Yuan," Ku states. "Also, women in general are increasingly aware of the problem governing the unequal status between men and women." But Ku further notes that most women in Taiwan still do not know what their rights and interests are, or how to strive for them. As such, she acknowledges that to achieve the goal of gender equality, there is still a long way to go.

The rise of consumer consciousness in Taiwan has led many people to begin placing more emphasis on consumer rights.

Many women's groups have been established to improve women's social status and to protect their rights.

The year 1987 served as its own "stage" in the process of Taiwan's social development, and was a watershed as the year the KMT finally took steps toward liberalization and democratization by lifting martial law, thereby permitting the formation of new political parties and allowing the establishment of new organs of the press. In that single year, seven distinct social movements emerged: the labor movement; the farmers' movement; the teachers' movement; the handicapped and disadvantaged welfare movement; the veterans' movement; the political prisoners' human rights movement; and the mainlanders' home-visiting movement.

The most significant step taken by the government during 1987 was that, starting in November of that year, ROC citizens, through the ROC Red Cross Society, were allowed to visit their relatives in mainland China, lifting the decades-old ban on cross-strait visits. Later, in January 1990, native Taiwanese who had moved to the mainland before 1949 were allowed to visit their relatives in Taiwan. In April 1990, veterans who had been stranded on the mainland after the Nationalist government moved to Taiwan in 1949 were allowed to apply for resettlement in Taiwan.

Private exchange across the strait becomes common after the ROC government allowed people in Taiwan to visit their relatives on the mainland in 1987.

The fact Taiwan's social movements are initiated by different sectors of groups indicates Taiwan's democratic progress.

After martial law was lifted in 1987, further steps were taken by the government for a major restructuring of the political system. Five social movements were observed during this "post-authoritarian' period of political transformation: the Taiwanese home-returning movement; the Hakka movement; the anti-nuclear power movement; the non-homeowners' "shell-less snail" movement; and the judicial reform movement.

The past 10-odd years in Taiwan have witnessed the rise of a vociferous civil society, Hsiao argues. It is evident that the majority of the social movements organized by different sectors or groups were initiated either before or at the time of the lifting of martial law in 1987. "From a sociological perspective, the decade of the eighties was the golden time of Taiwan's social movements," Hsiao says. "The duration of this period also signaled a big stride toward Taiwan's democratization."

Hsiao believes there are misconceptions about the dialectical relationship between Taiwan's social movements and political democratization. "Some people think the emergence of domestic social movements in Taiwan is a result of the government's lifting of martial law," he states. Hsiao feels this is an invalid conclusion to draw. Rather, the social movements taking place during the 1980-87 period contributed to the lifting of martial law and gave birth to Taiwan's democratization. Pressures from the first- and second-wave social movements led directly to the realization of political transformation. Reciprocally, the loosening of political control accelerated the further mobilization and formation of third-wave social movements, Hsiao goes on to explain. In other words, the KMT's democratizing posture did not happen spontaneously: it was a concession to the escalating demands of Taiwan's mobilizing civil society.

What did these groups seek? Although each has had its own specific objectives, all have demanded a change in state-society relations under authoritarianism. Most social movements demanded more autonomy, free from the state's tight control, as in the cases of the labor movement, the students' movement, and the judicial reform movement. Others requested more active, proper policy intervention from the state, as in the cases of the consumers' movement, the environmental movement, the welfare movement, the "shell-less snail" movement, and the farmers' movement. In retrospect, the KMT state in Taiwan in the 1980s responded effectively to certain types of social movements by changing the existing policies and laws. But the state's reaction to the other ones has been rather reluctant and slow. In this effort to classify all the social movements, the assumption is that social movement itself can be treated as an emerging social reality.

Chiu Hei-yuan, a member of Academia Sinica's Institute of Sociology and a professor in the Department of Sociology at National Taiwan University, shares similar opinions with regard to the development of social movements and their relation to political democratization. Chiu observes that sporadic outbreaks of management-labor disputes owing to factory closures occurred once in a while, but that it was not until the late 1970s that the island witnessed substantial changes in economics and politics and that social movements of different kinds began to emerge. 

The National Health Insurance program, launched on March 1, 1995, provides universal medical care for ROC citizens.

Among the social movements, political opposition activities were the most outstanding due to the intensity of the KMT's control over Taiwan's society. "Along with Taiwan's economic progress, the middle class grew and universal education became available," Chiu indicates. "People who absorbed new knowledge and concepts dared to express their dissatisfaction, and voiced harsh criticisms." The long-ruling KMT, in particular, had aroused the disapproval of many intellectuals who then came out to confront the authoritarian regime and to demand political reform. In the meantime, intellectuals, particularly university professors who had returned to Taiwan after receiving education in the West and Japan during the White Terror diaspora of Taiwanese people, took part in the political opposition movement and presented their views in local newspapers. At that time, the island's two leading newspapers, including the United Daily News and China Times, often ran columns written by these scholars. This method of political review inspired students and teachers, and helped cultivate the basis of the students' movement.

The crises resulting from the drastically changed political situation following the ROC's withdrawal from the United Nations and its severing of diplomatic ties with the United States and Japan stimulated the patriotism of students and their organization of a series of activities to advocate Taiwan's sovereignty. This is how the students' movement was formed in the early days, Chiu recalls. In the mid-1980s, some students began to participate in election campaigns, and urged political reforms—including the retiring of aged National Assembly members, the amending of the Constitution and the opening of a national conference, and an end to political persecution. They also called for revision of the University Law and the removal of military instructors from their campuses.

At this time, several professors, mainly from National Taiwan University, established the "Taipei Society" in 1989 to call for fundamental political reform. They often presented their arguments in the columns of local newspapers. Chiu Hei-yuan himself was the chief of this organization in 1991 and 1992.

Owing to the flourishing development of Taiwan's economy, citizens from the middle class have begun to play a more important role in society.

Women stand out to fight against social injustice and prejudice. Pictured here is Ms. Ke, who successfully promoted legislation requiring mandatory third-person automobile insurance. (Hsu Chao-i)

On March 17, 1990, thousands of university students staged a sit-in at the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall plaza to express opposition to the National Assembly's attempt to expand its authority. Ten days later, the National Assembly approved a motion to force members who failed to attend the plenary session to retire by the end of July 1990. In June 1990, the Council of Grand Justices announced that senior parliamentarians should terminate their responsibilities by December 31, 1991. In November 1993, the Legislative Yuan approved a revision of the University Law, which gave more autonomy to colleges and allowed students to participate in meetings related to school affairs.

Under the leadership of the political opposition movement, people from different walks of life, ranging from farmers, laborers and women, to consumers in general, began to stand out as well, calling for the correction of social injustice and unfairness caused by unreasonable government policies. From the publication of critical essays, organization of seminars and forums, promotion of new concepts, to street demonstrations, social movements gained increased strength to cast a greater impact on society demanding that the government formulate more sophisticated policies.

Compared with what has happened in other countries, Taiwan's public protests might on the whole be considered rather mild. "When they handle the large-scale demonstrations, Taiwan's police don't utilize cruel approaches, and they never shoot," Chiu states. "It's hard to find this kind of condition anywhere else." In current society, street protests are no longer filled with tension, but sometimes have even a relaxed atmosphere. And the government does not react nervously to street demonstrations. Despite the increase in such gatherings, Chiu believes that this is a normal phenomenon in a democratic society. For the time being, Taiwan's social movements can be said to have entered a "stalemate" period. According to Chiu analysis, several social movements, including the ones organized by farmers and students, saw sluggish development as their major appeals and demands were met.

In the days ahead, environmental and women's movements will undergo continued growth and become more organized, following the gradual integration of concerned groups, the rising awareness of environmental protection, and the promotion of equal rights between males and females. Concerning women's issues, in 1984, the Genetic Health Law to legalize abortion and to prevent couples with known genetic diseases from having children was ratified. And in 1996, under the pressure of women's lobbying groups, the Legislative Yuan abolished articles that gave the father primary child custody in cases of divorce. Women's activists of the future will likely focus on sexual discrimination in the workplace.

Comparatively speaking, Taiwan police handle public protests mildly.

As Taiwan society is open and democratic, social movements on the island are neither extreme nor violent.

During the 1970s and 1980s, the government placed more emphasis on the economy and less on the environment. Taiwan's living environment suffered serious setbacks, and this triggered a strong call for environmental protection. In the initial period, local residents whose neighborhoods had been polluted by factories launched self-rescue campaigns to safeguard their own interests. Degree by degree, the environmental protection movement was transformed from a method of direct confrontation by victimized residents, to a large-scale recognition of the importance of environmental protection. Because of these social efforts, the Environmental Protection Administration was set up in the mid-1980s, and the government began to pay greater attention to environmental problems.

Residents living around the factories of the Chinese Petroleum Corporation and Taiwan Power Company as well as other petrochemical plants also staged protests. Still other protests centered mainly on opposition to the construction of nuclear power plants and naphtha crackers. In response to the domestic demand for environmental protection and improvement, the Ministry of Economic Affairs decided to invest NT$1.2 billion (US$37 million) in developing anti-pollution technology over a three-year period beginning in October 1986.

Work regarding environmental protection in Taiwan has slowly begun to gain momentum. Here, several members of the Taiwan Endemic Species Research Institute of Taiwan Province take a few outdoor samples for further testing and research.

Chiu argues that it is essential for the government to respond to the demands of the people they serve, and to conduct reforms accordingly. If this does not happen, a strong backlash will be triggered. "By nature, social movements serve as the locomotive of social change. They aim to promote fundamental reform through unofficial channels, and to call for a resolution to problems caused by excesses and abuses of power."

Social movements will never disappear, since no society can achieve total perfection, even with social justice and equality firmly in place. For Taiwan, the government has yet to review its policies and make relevant revisions, especially, in the political arena. "Taiwan is in a transitional process, and certain problematic systems still exist," Chiu states. "But the booming age of social movements [the 1980s] has already passed. Hereafter, along with gradual democratization, social movements won't be too fierce or violent, since most of the disputes will be resolved through civil discourse and internal communication channels—what I mean is, the democratic process."