East and West, Traditional and Modern
While promoting economic modernization, Taiwan has made equal efforts to interpret and promote Chinese culture.
In the first decades after moving to Taiwan, the government actively opposed the tyranny of totalitarianism and communism on the Chinese mainland, maintaining its political facade as a democracy and economically as a supporter of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Principle of People's Livelihood. The ROC government based its legitimacy on the ROC Constitution, while the Chinese mainland rule was considered a renegade party. For the same reason, the ROC government was conscious of identifying itself as the standard-bearer of traditional Chinese culture and the legitimate heir of an orthodoxy which dated back to the ancient emperors Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, Wu, the Duke of Chou, and the great Chinese sage Confucius.
Under such a conceptual framework, it was natural that great efforts should be made to strengthen cultural education. For example, Chinese language and culture texts, such as the Basic Teaching Materials of Culture, teach concepts of loyalty and filial piety, emphasized in the learning of Confucius and Mencius. Elementary and secondary school courses on civic and moral education adhere to the principle of Confucian thought and practice as a center.6
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In the early years following the relocation of the ROC government to Taiwan, both nationalistic and cultural education were strongly encouraged. (Courtesy of the National Institute for Compilation and Translation) |
But these policies contain some inherent contradictions. The entire process of modernization, including industrialization, democratization, and the rise of a market economy is an attempt by an Asian nation to assimilate Western culture. Simply put, it is a process of Westernization. People have preferred using the term modernization for the sake of definitive accuracy and for avoiding arousing nationalist sentiment. Moreover, modernization implies the process of Westernization, globalization, and the departure from Middle Age feudalism.
The term "modernization" implies a specific perspective on time and a judgement in values. What is considered "modern" is relative to "the past" or "tradition." Other than the time factor, breaking off with the past must originate from some elementary differences in culture, which emerged when the East encountered the West. Under the impact of the West, the value system the traditional Chinese Empire had relied on for ages was shaken to its foundations. China was forced to change itself in order to face a different world and modern times. Therefore, a "traditional" China and a "modernized" Western world are relative concepts. The suffix "-ize" stands for to become or to be affected by. To put it more clearly, Chinese modernization meant that China was transformed from a traditional form into a Western, modern form.
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As modernization
transformed Taiwan from a traditional country into a more westernized
one, international cultural and academic exchanges |
Therefore, many have seen traditional Chinese culture as being a hindrance to modernization, and should be discarded. In an apparent contradiction, the government wanted to positively promote modernization while preserving and enhancing traditional Chinese culture. This created a tension between the forces of modernization and traditional Chinese culture.
For example, the government has invested tremendous energy in economic development. In the pursuit of modernization, technocrats were recruited, science and technologies imported, and foreign investment and advisors employed to build a modern nation founded on industry and commerce. Just as the Confucian teaching states, "only when the national granary was filled could the knowing and practices of rites and the virtue of righteousness be substantiated," cultural development was temporarily neglected. Industry and commerce were the highest priority for development, while cultural growth was relegated to the sidelines. It is this strain of thought that governed the direction of national development. Former Premier Sun Yun-suan has reiterated his deep regret for not emphasizing cultural development during his term of office. The Ten Major Construction Projects at that time did not include any aspects of cultural development, and although it was later included in the Twelve New Development Projects initiated by late President Chiang Ching-kuo, it was the last to be thought of. No earlier than 1981 was the Council for Cultural Affairs (CCA ) set up, many years after the establishment of the Council for Economic Planning and Development (CEPD). The CCA's budget allocation and position as a Cabinet member, could not be compared to that of the CEPD. In such an environment, official support for cultural development was more a demonstration of support than of substance. Because of the backwardness of cultural development, the work of preserving and strengthening Chinese culture was insufficient or disproportionate to economic achievements.
Moreover, modernized economic and social life has already drawn society away from a Chinese cultural context. The implementation of a modern education system has led to a gradual lagging in the fostering of Chinese culture and related learning. Under these social circumstances, it is difficult to bring about a prolific Chinese culture. Furthermore, the term "Chinese culture" runs the risk of simply becoming an empty concept, lacking in feeling and understanding. Most technocrats and the technological talents who formed the administrative mainstream, were of modern scientific, technological or Western educational background, and had little affiliation or understanding of the Chinese culture they were supposed to convey. Furthermore, infused with the values of modernity, this group often viewed traditional culture as an obstacle to modernization in need of radical reform and change.
Consequently, these contradictions aroused discussion of Eastern and Western culture in the midst of rapid modernization during the 1950s. While going through rapid modernization, Taiwan has always been under the shadow of a struggle between tradition and modernity.
In 1966, when the fanatic Cultural Revolution broke out on the Chinese mainland, the ROC government launched the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement. Temporarily setting inherent contradictions aside, the government policy of reviving Chinese culture became especially distinct and received increased impetus, joining with the ongoing modernization of society and economy.
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The Cultural Revolution on the mainland that destroyed traditional Chinese culture compelled the ROC government to launch the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement as a countermeasure. The photo shows several "big-character posters" used during the Cultural Revolution to attract large crowds. (China Times file photo) |
The memorial day of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Birthday was first observed as Cultural Renaissance Day in 1967, and in the next year the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Promotion Committee was established under the chairmanship of the late President Chiang Kai-shek. Intended to mobilize all efforts to promote this movement, branch committees were set up throughout Taiwan.
| To help revive Chinese culture, the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Promotion Committee was set up in 1967 and chaired by the late President Chiang Kai-shek, who is shown here at the first meeting. (Photo by Liang Hsing-chien) |
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In the midst of this movement, a new generation of intellectuals, fostered by the modern education system, propelled modern thinking and existentialism into a popular craze. This created an interesting situation, as the government was simultaneously initiating a movement for the revival of Chinese culture. Most of the so-called "pale youths" and the "nihilistic generation" had only a partial understanding of the existentialist philosophy and social movements they were enchanted with. Existentialist literature would influence the attitudes of the younger generation creating a special mood and atmosphere, and triggering a new trend in intellectual circles.
These trends in thought were in tune with changes in Taiwan society and the international environment. In the 1970s, the Republic of China encountered frustrations on the international front: withdrawal from the United Nations in 1971, the nationalistic sovereignty issue over the Tiaoyutai Islets, and severed diplomatic relations with Japan and the United States. These issues provided fuel for a disillusioned young generation, who paid attention to "the other bank of the Western tide" while examining their nation's situation. Literary and art circles no longer blindly condemned society. The Tiaoyutai Incident awakened a high-minded patriotism, which quickly turned the movement for cultural revival into one of cultural nationalism.
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The rise of modern thought and changes in Taiwan's international environment led to strong support from younger generations for the ROC government's claim over the Tiaoyutai Islets. (China Times file photo) |
Important individuals and events representing this trend in literature and the arts include Yen Yuan-shu's Nationalistic Literature, Li Ta-san's advocacy of a "Chinese Version of Comparative Literature," and the modern dance troupe Cloud Gate Dance Theatre's use of classic Chinese themes in The Tale of the White Serpent, Legacy, and Liao Tien-ting. Also representative are Hu Lan-cheng's Time Between the Mountains and Rivers, which re-examined faith in ancient Chinese rites and music, the China Poetry Society of Wen Jui-an, the Three and Three Collection by Chu Hsi-ning and daughters, and Poetry of the Dragon Nation by Kao Hsin-chiang. Artistic works took on a variety of forms, touching on real problems in Chinese culture, such as what China should do, or which direction Chinese culture should take.
| After the Tiaoyutai protests, literary and art circles in Taiwan began to express nationalistic sentiment in their own unique fashion. Shown here is the Cloud Gate Dance Theatre performing the
Legacy. (Photo by Liou Jenn-Hsiang, courtesy of the Cloud Gate Dance Theatre) |
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Literary circles during this period tried to find a new direction for Chinese cultural development, engaging society in collective thinking on culture. With a consciousness of Chinese culture and a nativist perspective, academics encouraged the writing of Chinese science and social sciences, and discussion of a third level of development for the establishment of a New Confucianism. Furthermore, a nativist movement emerged in politics. These developments made a concrete contribution to a local and nativist course of direction for Chinese culture.
The emergence of New Confucianism was an important development. There were various lines of thought concerning Westernization dating back to the May Fourth Movement shortly after the First World War. The New Confucians, represented by Liang Shu-ming, Hsiung Shih-li, Chien Mu, and Feng Yu-lan, proposed Confucianism as a foundation while Western culture was assimilated. After the Chinese mainland was taken over by the communists, intellectuals such as Chien Mu, Tang Chun-yi and other scholars who set up the Hsin Ya College in Hong Kong, in addition to Hsu Fu-kuan and Mou Tsung-san in Taiwan, advocated the revival of Confucianism. In their Manifesto of Chinese Culture, they emphasized that Chinese culture should not be abandoned, and that it could provide spiritual direction for all humanity.
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After coming to Taiwan, scholars like Hsu Fu-kuan and Mou Tsung-san continuously published works to promote Chinese culture on the island. (Courtesy of the National Central Library) |
During the 1950s and '60s, modernization thinkers criticized New Confucianism as too conservative, giving rise to a polemic between the cultures of East and West. In the 1970s, the New Confucians had shown greater liveliness than modernists because New Confucianism syncretized traditional and modern elements and advocated a modernization based on Confucianism. They proposed that Confucianism was not opposed to modernization and was fully compatible with science and technology, and could provide an antidote to the moral dilemmas of modern times. This syncretic thinking is suggestive of the philosophers Kant and Hegel. Their emphasis on nationalistic and cultural values is representative of the intellectual situation in Taiwan during this period. The tide of Confucian thinking in Taiwan had given itself a cultural identity and direction through the process of political, economic, scientific, and technological modernization.
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During the 1970s, neo-Confucianism was modernized and made popular under the strong influence of Western philosophers like Kant and Hegel. (Courtesy of the National Central Library) |
Literary and intellectual circles of the period provided a mental image of China, pointed to the spiritual composition of Chinese culture, and called for society to return to its cultural roots. Despite the popularity of these images, little substantial cultural progress was made, and the thinking remained at an abstract level, not realized in daily life. Thus, for these cultural activists, Chinese-style fashion, Chinese
macram
and the Chinese art of tea gradually become an integral part of their lives.
| Chinese-style fashions, Chinese
macram |
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This more substantial cultural life was a comforting contrast to the abstract level of discussion, and directed the attention of the younger generation to the cultural problems in actual life. A concern for these problems was later translated into action. Literary journalism and the nativist movement were drawn into discussions of political and social issues.
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During the nativist movement, local arts were infused with new energy. This photo shows the late Taiwanese puppet master, Lee Tien-lu, giving instruction to an overseas student. |
The general situation turned the trend of Westernization back in the direction of Chinese tradition. In sociology, course titles on modernization changed to "Tradition and Modernization" instead of "From Tradition to Modern." Discussions centered on how tradition could be useful and effective in the modern world. Tradition and modernity were not seen as opposed to values, or tradition as an obstacle to national modernization. The movement argued that in the modernization of the country, preservation of the Chinese tradition was necessary to prevent cultural colonization. During the 1970s, intellectuals discarded unhealthy, confused, lost, and nihilistic attitudes toward Chinese culture, in order to rebuild, identify, and reflect on traditional Chinese culture.
In the course of cultural development, two forms of transformation occurred: externalization and dissimilation. During the period of popularity of existentialism, literary circles demonstrated an introspective ability, which was beneficial to Taiwan's long-term literary development. (By contrast, literary circles on the Chinese mainland did not begin discussions about the subjectivity of man and literature until the 1990s.) One of the drawbacks, however, was that after a period of introspection, Taiwan's cultural development became gradually externalized and social issues became its main concern. The early focus on the problems of values and the awakening of literary consciousness was transferred to the reform of social institutions and social movements seeking to adjust relations with authority. Thinking became very politicized. The legal and political social sciences took over the humanities and the communication style expressed social action.
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| Under pressure from Western forms of entertainment, Taiwanese folk operas and marionettes quickly lost popularity as street performances and instead became more commercialized. The photo on the right shows master shadow puppeteer Hsu Fu-neng of the Fo Hsing Ko Troupe making a new puppet, while on the left is one of his finished puppets. | |
Another area of externalization was the commercial
exploitation of folk culture. Folk songs, Chinese fashion, Chinese macram
,
and the art of Chinese tea drinking were gradually popularized and commercialized.
Recording companies co-opted folk songs to become pop songs, campus folk singers
became pop stars, and the folk song movement lost much of its original spirit.
Antiques and folk art also shared the same fate, as merchants decorated their
shops with relics such as oxcart wheels, water mills, and straw-raincoats to
create a nostalgic atmosphere of classical China or of early agrarian Taiwan.
Enjoying this atmosphere, people were able to satisfy their search for native
roots and Chinese culture. This kind of teahouse culture was a search for culture
satisfied by commercial society. The nativist concern for historic sites, folk
art and skills was realized through consumption instead of a genuine interest
for historic material culture. Folk art performances such as Taiwanese opera
and folk puppetry were increasingly commercialized and taken out of their social
and cultural context. In shops, various native handicrafts and artifacts became
mere commodities with high investment values.
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Folk songs, which were once extremely popular in Taiwan, have slowly declined, losing much of their originality to become pop songs. The photo shows a college campus folk song performance, as well as promotional posters and CD covers of folk songs. (Courtesy of the Musicman Association ) |
In addition to externalization through politics and commercialization, the cultural movement also underwent a process of dissimilation. Once aimed at enhancing national feeling and a return to the roots of Chinese culture, the cultural movement was unexpectedly abandoned and even expressed an opposition to Chinese culture.
In the 1970s, cultural nationalists had slogans proclaiming Taiwanese to be "descendents of the dragon" and the "young China." These images and dreams inspired many discussions about the direction China was going. But this form of cultural nationalism underwent a process of dissimilation after a fierce 1977 debate over nativist literature.
Because the ROC only exercises jurisdiction over the Taiwan area, giving rise to the question whether nativism concerns Taiwan or the Chinese mainland. If Chinese culture also develops in places other than Taiwan, then what is the position of Taiwan in future discussions on Chinese culture? Will Taiwan's Chinese culture turn out to be a merely peripheral culture? Nativism developed in the ROC to oppose the forces of Westernization and resisted being relegated to a subordinate position. Today, in face of the Chinese mainland, Taiwan is confronted with the same problem. In order to avoid being marginalized, the development of a Taiwan-based nativism is probably the best strategy. In short, what began as Chinese cultural nationalism later provoked an opposition to Chinese ideology to produce a new Taiwanese cultural movement.
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The City of Sadness, a film with strong Taiwanese nativist sentiments, not only gave voice to the long pent-up emotions of the people on Taiwan, but also earned great praise from international film critics. |
This peculiar development was embraced by those who advocated Taiwan independence and the creation of a new Taiwan culture, producing an intense nationalism. This further led to an opposition to anything associated with China (the Chinese mainland, mainlanders, the political authorities who moved from the mainland, or mainland culture) and emphasized everything Taiwanese (Taiwanese nativism, people, culture, and political authorities). They viewed everything associated with the former as wrong and oppressive to Taiwan's people, and should be discarded or else Taiwan's populace would have no chance to "see the sky." The mainlander culture was seen as huge stones in a pasture, blocking the sun and preventing the grass to grow.
6. Fukunaga Yasuyoshi, A Thorough Study of the Society of the Republic of China, trans. Chao Chien
(Taipei: Institute of International Relations,1974), 74.